[Johnny Walker]

Thank you for these resources! In reading the review, I was intrigued by the summary of Jian Zang's "The Soviet Impact on Gender Equality in China in the 1950s". While I was aware of the Soviet model which had given women the right to vote shortly after the 1917 Revolution, allowed for the right to divorce and then later, Soviet women's mobilization during WW2 (as grippingly documented in Svetlanta Alexievich's collection of oral histories "The Unwomanly Face of War"), I was unaware how it influenced the role of Chinese women following 1949. As well as naming the Soviets, "Big Brother" (hillarious with the term's naive disavowal of Orwellian connotations), would "Big Sister" also be an aptly titled role for the Soviets?

Zang writes how the top-down approach of Communism gave women the confidence that they enjoyed equal rights in their nation, and then women's focus, rather than to resist against a patriarchal state as western feminists did, was to "change traditional perceptions of women in various areas." So, the Chinese feminist movement seems more directed toward cultural rather than political barriers. I'm curious how close the women's perception of their equal legal status was reflected in legal decisions of that era. Did the Chinese communist state make decisions that reflected gender equality? Similar to the Soviet experience, while women were given greater economic and social opportunities, their presence was largely absent in any true weilding of power in the upper echelons of the Soviet apparatchik. As Russia post-communism remains a deeply patriarchal environment, I'd imagine that most of the feminist and gender-equality talk was partly propaganda or merely paying lip service to yet another unfulfilled claim of a workers' paradise.

The subordination of women seems to have had a deeply reinforced history in China (despite notable examples of empresses or female merchants). I'm curious how western feminism has influenced women in China since 1978, and if the bottom-up approach that characterizes western feminists represents a threat to "harmony" or order in a nation where the government has tightly controlled and limited women's reproductive choices for the last few generations. Furthermore, when I consider the strides taken by women as a result of Soviet influence, I can't help but think of the phrase "The Great Leap Forward" and wonder if the traditional foot-binding that was eradicated by that time period, may have been replaced by other means that reflect how modern Chinese women have been allowed to take small steps forward, but hobbled and crippled by a government and culture where men continue to dominate.

[Johnny Walker]

Thank you so much for these resources! I was absolutely fascinated and inspired to read Song and Bugard's article that gave a direct relationship between a mother's education level and decreased infant mortality. I was aware previously that increases in women's education resulted in less births over a lifetime. But, I had assumed that reduced infant mortality of educated women was related primarily to an increased economic status that resulted in greater access to health care. While the Song and Bugard somewhat confirms that assumption, they also specifically argue that the reasoning was that "educated mothers more actively sought prenatal care and professional delivery assistance". With greater education, women have a greater awareness of available technology, the confidence to advocate for themselves, access to institutional resources, and presumably, better decision-making skills. As a feminist and active participant in the public education system (as a teacher and parent), I am inspired to see how the intersection of feminism and public education result in a rising tide in public health.

However, as Song and Bugard also argue, the role of the state in the one-child policy that imposed reproductive health decision-making on women also occurred simultaneously. And, the resultant decision-making skills of women required even greater expertise and care when the state's role in family planning superceded that of an individual woman. In addition, the amount of under-reported mortality figures as a result of this system makes it difficult to analyze the child mortality statistics. A significant chunk of the article is dedicated to explaining the reasoning and methodology through various statistical models. The difficultity of a social scientist to suss out relationships of cause and effect using data is quite demanding and is also subject to many factors that diminish the certainty of conclusions. I'm curious in exploring the intersection of mathematics/statistical analysis to historical study and engaging my students simultaneously in math and history. Whether it would be assigning articles like these for them to read where they would become aware of the many skills needed to engage in complex historical analysis or designing an interdisciplinary lessons or units based around math, I really appreciate the reflection this article has inspired. Thank you!

[Johnny Walker]

We have explored contemporary China through different lenses, eras and challenges, yet as Mossy articulated, I also remain curious about the interplay of China's Marxist ideological values with its domestic and foreign policies. I also really enjoyed reading Bader's "How Xi Jinping Sees the World" and appreciated viewing recent Chinese history through the leadership styles of its Presidents as well as their economic inheritances and opportunities. I'm curious how personality-driven these policy initiatives have been. Clearly, Mao's influence was domineering. Yet, Deng Xioping, Jiang Zemin and now Xi have seemed to steer China with an equally strong arm. I'm curious about the mechanations and rise of these leaders as well as the considerations that these leaders have prioritized during their rule. China clearly has an identity contradiction when defining itself as both a victim of imperialism as well as a global superpower with imperialist ambitions. It's fascinating to see China's evoloution from resistance leader of Non-Alligned nations to American and European power from the revolution through the seventies, to greater cooperation in the global order in the 80s and 90s, and more recently, offering alternatives to international organizations whether it be financial institutions like the Chinese Development Bank or leadership on international trade routes such as the Belt and Road. It's a fascinating contradiction to explore an authoritarian but market-dominated system. Likewise, recent controls on media are tightened, yet Chinese have never been more exposed to western and international ideas through travel and trade. 

I really enjoyed the video lectures as well, and laughed upon hearing the phrase that America and China "are in the same bed but with different dreams". I appreciate the two slides that demonstrate the differences in the US and Chinese economies where Chinese manufacturing dwarfs American trade goods, yet the US service economy outweighs China's contribution. This is another economic concept that would benefit my students as it demonstrates the changing economic dynamics of the last century where nations have moved from industrial to service economies. And, as China develops to a more services-driven economy, will it therefore compete more with the United States than it has in the past? Is there another economic arrangement for the US and China to balance its manufacturing and service sectors in the fight to mitigate the industrial and shipping costs of climate change?

I'm amazed about the graph that demonstrates the enormous rising numbers of Chinese students who study abroad. I would love for my students to build an awareness about study-abroad programs as they are usually only taken advantage of by students with greater economic advantages. Such opportunities pay off dividends throughout an individual's professional and personal life, and I'm curious how the current generation of Chinese students' exposure to life outside of China will shape Chinese culture and policy in the decades to come when these students come of age to take leadership roles in Chinese politics. Imagining a Chinese President and an American President both fluent in each other's language and culture would be such a step toward global peace and progress. It doesn't seem like such a far-fetched idea. 

Finally, in terms of military demonstrations of power in the region and threat perception from citizens of other nations, China has not universally increased or decreased in other nations' perceptions of its malevalent intentions. I was surprised to see such a high percentage (80%) of Vietnamese viewed China as a threat. Given past military conflicts and proximity, that makes sense. However, I had incorrectly believed that China served more as a buffer and a restraint on North Korean aggression, and was surprised that S Korea viewed it in such increasingly alarmist views. I wonder what the percentage of Indian people who view China as a threat are. Given that just last week, the Chinese were reported to have infiltrated India's electric grid and caused a blackout in Mumbai as a warning, how severe is that relationship? As China's achilles heel has been (as we analyzed in our first meeting) the many bordering states that pose potential threats, is China stretching itself too thin as it flexes its military might from its coasts to its far western borders? And, as its revenues decline and economic might seems to be suffering (at least in terms of foreign investment) will that also curtail its military spending? Is Xi the type of leader whose larger economic and military aspirations are tempered by market forces, or is he looking to take greater risk? Ultimately, is China creating a network of economic interdependency in Afroeurasia that does not require the United States' presence? I really appreciate the greater complexity with which this class has increased my awareness and piqued my curiosity in current global affairs.

 

[Johnny Walker]

Interestingly enough, I can't help but feel that the age-old Marxist critiques of industrial capitalism concerning an erosion and poisoning of communal social norms as well as environmental disasters apply to 21st century China as much as 19th century western Europe. The use of historical maps reflecting CO2 emmissions and charts that follow raw material consumption place China on a time line just behind the United States and the European Union. Yet, as the charts that demonstrate China's committment and investment in hydroelectric, solar, and wind energy as well as electric vehicle manufacturing, places them in the vanguard of the world's nations who are now somewhat reconciling and tackling the environmental and energy crises that pose existential threats to us all. 

I appreciate that the discussion of social changes, adaptations and crises of family and social relationships due to materialism preceded the environmental discussion. While the "24 Filial Exemplars" contained darkly amusing examples (such as sacrificing one's blood to mosquitos to protect parents or tasting a father's feces?! to diagnose a medical condition) of a late 19th century China struggling to hold onto its traditions and family and communal safety nets, it also reflects a last-gasp attempt by the Qing Empire to assert authoritarian patriarchal control over its people. Yet, over one hundred years later, the government's anxiety and mechinations to culturally reform the Chinese people seems even more direly justified. The statement acknowledged by 71% of Chinese interviewees, "what I own is the measure of my success" was especially distressing to witness. And, after witnessing the videos of cancer-causing water pollution, the crisis of capitalist materialism is doubly destructive to the souls and bodies of the Chinese people. In thinking back to another of the fables within the "24 Filial Exemplars" about the dutiful son whose persistent hard work in the fields was rewarded by animal friends such as elephants and magpies helping him harvest and an invitation from the Emperor to rule China (similar to the Cindarella story), I can't help but realize that both an individual's commitment to self sufficient labor and environmental rewards are impossible under modern circumstances. Mark Elvin's history, "Retreat of the Elephants" traces the historical environmental costs within China, and how environmental and mental health has suffered as a result of commercial progress. I wish I could be so optimistic as to believe that our efforts to mitigate climate change can succeed, but learning that 1,000 crates of unwanted "recycled material" is loaded onto ships from the US to travel halfway across the world everyday seems like more of a disinvitation to continue to put my blue recylce bin out on the curb and congratulate myself that I'm doing my part to combat environmental disaster.

The majority of my students face extreme anxiety born of the social media age as well as a deep concern about the environmental future of the world. These two lessons would translate extremely well into providing students with resources and evidence to write a "white paper" or "manifesto" concerning the role of governments, business, people and international organizations to address the crisis of materialism seen both emotionally and ecologically in consumer culture and climate change.

[Johnny Walker]

 

            I am continually being forced to reconcile my misconceptions about modern China as I advance in this course, and I really appreciate that! Specifically, I’m interested in evaluating the role of government (both Chinese and American) in 1) economic control, 2) determining social structure and 3) censorship concerning religion and a free press/media. I had taught my students that China’s model was closer to a totalitarian one. While I’ll continue to teach this structure, I’ll be sure to include the gradual softening of government control in some areas and a growing space for individualism. Also, the face of totalitarianism looks different now than it did in the 20^th century. And, I’m interested in the role of government censorship of the internet and how China may serve as both a warning and a model for the United States to curb internet extremism.

First, I didn’t realize that post 1978 China included economic revisions that allowed for greater entrepreneurship in the countryside. I was surprised to learn that this was not a top-down decision, but the result of a successful protest in Xiaogang village (Anhui province). The idea that tourists now visit and recreate the tableau of people deciding to go against the state economic policy and influence to change is surprising to me. It’s fascinating that a change in the household responsibility system caused an explosion of economic activity that further resulted in greater disposable income, entrepreneurship, individuality in fashion, leisure time, and exposure to American culture. Yet, at the same time of loosening control, the one-child policy gave further government control over primary aspects of a family’s social and economic life. Still, I wonder how my students would respond to the idea that they would be placed into a job as a result of their performance in school. I think this could lead to an interesting debate in class about the role of government in economic regulation and the purpose of our public education system.

Until reading the articles about Christianity in China, I had believed that all religion (Christians and Muslims alike) were outlawed. To read in the NYTimes article that there are more Christians than communists in China was very surprising. I wrote my college senior thesis on the relationship between Christianity and democracy movements in Communist nations particularly in Eastern Europe and Cuba. However, I was interested to see that rather being a mainline Christian denomination, many Chinese “Christians” are apocalyptic millenarians. Given the radicalism and uniquely Chinese stamp of that “Christian” ideology, it’s understandable that the Party would want to control or destroy certain sects. However, it was interesting to me that it seems to be decided on a Provincial level rather than a full-scale national war against religion. I was amused to see that a printing factory in China had printed its 125 millionth Bible, and the State was promoting Chinese Christians to read it rather than be influenced by the more extreme and occasionally violent viewpoints of other Christian sects. I’ve been reading Jonathan Spence’s “God’s Chinese Son” about the Taiping Rebellion where such an apocalyptic preacher inspired civil war that resulted in over 25 million dead. China’s been strongly negatively affected by religion and opiates in the 19^th century, so it is understandable that the Marxist warnings of “religion is the opiate of the masses” holds especially strong sway in China today. Yet, as understandable as it is for the Chinese government to want to control or curb religious extremism, I can’t help but be horrified and disgusted at the Chinese government’s use of similar reasoning to justify its genocidal campaigns and enslavement of Uighers.

Likewise, I was interested to hear about the idea of Chinese government internet censorship as being interested in curbing “horizontal spread” of ‘dangerous ideas.’ I must say that this notion seemed like a preposterous totalitarian concern until very recently. Following the Capitol insurrection, fueled by the wide horizontal spread of extremist ideas, white nationalism, Q-Anon conspiracy and false election claims, it seems that government regulation of internet speech should be a priority within the United States. I’d be curious to explore with my students what limits they believe should be placed on internet free speech and the role of the government to regulate and police it. Should the US government adopt certain aspects of the Chinese model? This would lead to an interesting debate in class. Characters such as Jing Jing and Cha Cha may be coming to an internet near us in the not-so-distant future, and surprisingly, I think I may welcome a version of them that protects Americans from the deadly spread of disinformation and violent extremism.

[Johnny Walker]

In thinking about China's economic trajectory, I find myself relating and comparing it to other historical models that I teach. The struggle I have in our 10th grade World History curriculum, or with the AP World: Modern is that post-War Chinese History is often one of the last units and has a limited time frame. Given the complexities, I'd like to determine the most efficient explanations to relate modern China to my students.

I think I'd most likely like to start at the end, with the Belt and Road Initiative. The propaganda song video is hilarious and disconcerting which would make it a perfect jumping off point for my students to ask questions to put it into context. There are also some excellent news videos on PBS about the initiative where it is directly compared to the ancient Silk Road (of which students are familiar).

Based on the two lectures, I would begin by stressing Mao's Stalinist model. The concept of 5 Year Plans, Agricultural Revolutions at great human cost (we study the Holomodor Ukrainian Famine) followed by a massive yet largely unsuccessful Industrialization campaign and a cult of personality seem to generally cover the period from 49 to '68. The Cultural Revolution is so fascinating, but I'm not necessarily sure how to weave that into the narrative of modern China. And, the Korean War will likely get little mention in this year's curriculum. Then, the post Mao era reminds me of the post Stalin era. Economic opening of the late 70's and early 80's and opening/detente with the US was somewhat similar to Kruschev's greater focus on consumer goods, de-Stalinization and visit to the United States. Of course, western companies did not use Soviet labor to manufacture products. But, the second-rate Soviet consumer goods and companies that were the butt of so many Reagan jokes bear some semblance to China's insular and not globally known brands. Likewise, the Chinese agricultural model that allowed for a modified form of capitalism after hitting quotas reminded me of Lenin's New Economic Policy. I really enjoyed the photographs and propaganda in the lectures. I'd love to use them with my class and also compare them to similar Soviet propaganda. I also really enjoyed the link to the New York Times videos about the Chinese social media companies that use all encompassing services and data. My students would be fascinated with that. And, it's such a clear way to illuminate both the ease and convenience as well as the dark side of an all encompassing surveillance app that people eagerly use.

Nevertheless, in order to efficiently map China's economic opening and restructuring, I really liked how the graphs in the second lecture about per capita GDP, FDI (foreign direct investment) and demographics (life expectancy by gender) told such a rich story of modern China in three charts. As part of the C3 initiative, I've been trying to incorporate more civics, geography and economics in my curriculum, and I think my students would really benefit from learning about, analyzing and comparing these charts with other nations as well. And, based on the rising levels of economic inequality there, I'd like to also find a graph of the gini curve to demonstrate that concept to the class.

But, I really like beginning the lesson at the Belt and Road Initiative. It would serve to have students wonder where is China going and how it arrived here. Then, I'd use Soviet models that they are familiar with to explain the Mao years and then introduce several economics concepts to explain its modern trajectory.

 

 

[Johnny Walker]

I found so much surprising and fascinating in the videos and readings that relate to my teaching practice and general interests in history and politics. I’ll include some of them here:

1. From the video, I’m curious what factors account for 80% less infant mortality after the Communist takeover of China? Is it related to improved diet due to an Agricultural Revolution, social or family structural changes, the abolition of landlord/feudal structures, access to better medical facilities in communes, higher vaccination rates, the relative peace due to the end of years of warfare and Japanese occupation? The number seems so astronomical to me that it’s almost unbelievable. Also, I’m curious about the methods used to get statistics and the reliability of the Communist Party’s data in scholarship. I especially think of the false data reported to Mao about grain harvests of the early 1950s that contributed to the famines of that era. Wouldn’t the famines of the Great Leap Forward reflect an increase in infant mortality in the early years of the Communist Revolution?

2. I’m curious about the continuities and changes from older dynastic hierarchies to the communist system and how the structural organization and supporting ideologies relate. For example, how do Confucian ideas of filial piety relate to the highly hierarchical communist party? Also, due to the lack of a deity in Confucian belief, did that make it more achievable for an atheist state to exist? Does the concept of “Mandate of Heaven” continue to either threaten or uphold the communist party leadership during times of upheaval or environmental disaster? And, although practices such as foot binding have disappeared from China, how does the patriarchy continue to bind or restrict Chinese women’s social, political, and economic mobility? In order to help my students in AP World History review 800 years of Chinese History and support historical thinking skills, it would be a good essay prompt to analyze continuities and changes in Chinese ideology, political, social, and economic systems.

3. I’m fascinated about the hukou system and wonder about the validity of comparisons to similar systems of exclusion in the United States based on race or undocumented migrant labor. For example, do the “peasant workers in cities” who do not have access to the social services/urban welfare or social security system- have similar status as undocumented people in USA? Does the hereditary status of hukou persist for children born in the city where their parent works rather than where they migrated from similar to how children of undocumented immigrants can achieve citizenship rights if born in the United States? Does nongzhuanfei represent a kind of DACA program in China? Many of my students are DACA eligible, and this could be a good way to relate and remember the hukou system as well as analyze and reflect upon our lives and unjust systems.

 

4. How effective were systems of control during dynastic China where Emperors, nobility, and a large bureaucracy managed state control of large masses of peasants? The bureaucrats were likewise managed and coerced through castration. Could a similar argument be made about the relative loyalty and emasculation of current communist party cadres? Peasants were also restricted to hereditary service. So, how revolutionary is the hukou system in the greater context of Chinese hierarchical and bureaucratic control of its population? I also wonder how and if military service in modern China offers a venue for greater social mobility for people of lower class status. And, although there is modern industrialization, how truly different is that than the proto-industrialization and export-based economy that persisted for hundreds of years within China that also relied upon trade and foreign currency?

 

5. When looking at the British model from the 18^th and 19^th century when Britain was the “workshop of the world,” and also experienced massive migration of working class and rural peasants to other parts within England due to Enclosure Movements or throughout the Empire as a result of colonial mercantilist enterprises or prison labor colonies… would that be a more appropriate comparison to the arc of modern China? Likewise, will greater organization and pressure from working class or farming communities with lesser Hukuo status lead to a greater internal changes that gradually force more rights? What Hukuo status do Uighers, Tibetans, Manchurians or other ethnic or religious minority groups have?

 

The key points I first plan to incorporate in my lessons will be the maps and tables that relate demography to realizing broader understandings about China throughout its history. I especially like the maps of population distribution to get a sense of the economic and political power of the eastern seaboard over the west. I love the comparison of CPI baskets between spending trends of Chinese versus Americans. That would lead to fascinating discussions. I also love the focus on major river systems and how an understanding of their management reflects environmental, agricultural, political and demographic continuities, changes, and challenges throughout Chinese history.  Whether it's been the continual management of the Yellow river since the Song period to today or the location of economic miracle cities in the Pearl River delta where 7 out of 8 million residents of Shenzhen are migrants outside of their native hukou, these river systems are integral to placing and thinking about China through time as the Thames or Mississippi or Nile are to understanding other regional histories. I’m curious about the similarities and differences these modern Chinese export zones have to the trading zones occupied by foreigners during the spheres of influence of imperialism or the earlier hongs of the 18^th and 19^th centuries.

[Johnny Walker]

Hello! My name is Johnny Walker, and I teach 10th grade World History and AP World History in Sylmar, CA. I've just transitioned from AP European History to AP World this year, and my intention is to de-Westernize my historical narrative. I'm looking forward to applying what I learn here to my classroom, and I'm looking forward to learning with and from all of you!

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