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  • in reply to: Session #5 - March 26 #41095
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator
    in reply to: Session #5 - March 26 #41086
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    As Brett has noted, Shambaugh argues that “the endgame of Chinese communist rule has now begun” based on five primary indications: first, the fact that Chinese elites are already fleeing the country; second, the fact that Xi has intensified political repression against the “usual suspects’--Uighurs, intellectuals, etc.; third, his observation that many party loyalists are “just going through the motions” (as outlined in the South China Morning Post article); fourth, party and military corruption, and fifth, his belief that China’s economy is “stuck in a series of systemic traps from which there is no easy exit.”  Shambaugh’s reasoning here is that proposed economic reforms are being blocked by entrenched interest groups such as SOE’s and local party cadres. In his view, only political reforms can save China from the fate of the former USSR.

     

    But,to paraphrase Campbell and Ely, Chinese realities have a way of upsetting American expectations.  For many years, the authors argue, American-Chinese foreign relations were guided by the idea that “[d]evelopment would spark a virtuous cycle” in which a Chinese middle class would demand new rights and legal reforms.  But contrary to expectations, “Beijing responded to the forces of globalization by putting up walls and tightening state control, constricting, rather than reinforcing, the free flow of people, ideas, and commerce.” For example, Chinese authorities have used communications technologies to monitor its people and control access to information.

     

    Campbell and Ely’s arguments support Brown’s claim that the Chinese government’s goal is to develop China’s economy as means to the end of “the creation of a rich, strong, powerful state,” not an open society.  This powerful state is one that can ensure security and stability through political repression. As China engages the rest of the world and asserts its strategic space through the BRI, it faces immense risks and rewards.  But as long as some nations take aid from China with the belief that these interactions are ”non-normative, non-prescriptive, and based on consent,” and that these aid scenarios offer only “win-win” outcomes, it’s hard to imagine breaking what seems to be a vicious cycle of development and oppression.  

     

    My lesson takeaway:  not quite so high flown.  America represents itself as a democratic--and,  yes, moral--world leader, yet it has backed out of the Paris Climate Agreement.  Does China have the high ground here? What does world leadership look like in the context of climate change?  The videos give us some nice visuals and numbers that could support a lively discussion of what our American moral imperative is in the face of this global crisis.

    in reply to: Session #4 - March 19 #41067
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    Article about Muslim detention camps in Xinjiang from the NY Times.  Related articles (not posted here) talk about the tepid response from much of the international Muslim community to the camps based on trade and foreign investment concerns.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/12/world/asia/china-xinjiang.html

     

    in reply to: Session #4 - March 19 #41066
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    Glad you could use it!

    in reply to: Session #4 - March 19 #41065
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    I found this week’s readings pretty dispiriting, especially with regard to women’s roles in society and the severe threat posed by toxic soil.  I also have a number of follow-up questions regarding the readings.

    China, like the U.S., still suffers from entrenched adherence to gender stereotypes and expectations.  The “Playing With the Old Blood Rules” article states that “many Chinese parents are now even reconsidering their long-held prejudice for sons, on the new assumption that daughters are more likely to grow into loyal caregivers.”  Based on the other readings alone, I find this sentiment hard to believe--to wit the Chinese slang term for girls being “thin padded jackets.”

    From the “Gender of Communication” article, it seems, too, that women’s work is never done.  As is frequently the case in the U.S., Chinese working mothers are are expected to run their households largely on their own.  Elderly grandmas and aunties are also expected to take on these kinds of responsibilities. And the idea of adopting an adult female daughter for caregiving and companionship? Nice in the abstract, but where are the men???

    With all the problems posed by an aging population and the reluctance of young people to shoulder the responsibility of caretaking, has the government considered the idea of changing its apparent masculine ideal to accommodate for the need for more support for the elderly?  Could the concept of filial piety be used to encourage more men to do or share this important work with their female counterparts? And where are Chinese feminists with respect to these issues? Clay, do you have any readings for us on this subject?

    It’s no surprise to me, then, that many Chinese young people and couples are opting not to have children.  It was also interesting to read that a survey found that a minority of young people wanted to join the party because they believed in communism.  As noted in the ”Contemporary Chinese Youth and the State” article, “the post-1980’s generation has ensured that their public lives are placed in service to their private ambitions.”  Clearly, party membership has increasingly become an economic necessity for upwardly-mobile young Chinese adults, indeed, a necessary investment for the future.

    Question:  what are the criteria for party membership?  Are some people invited to join? What are the benefits of being a party member?  And what are the effects of not being a party member?

    Regarding the materials on toxic soil, this was a sobering read indeed.  I’m glad that the article talked about how different branches of the Chinese government have been addressing this issue.  I’m teaching civics and government next year and can see myself comparing the how the Love Canal problem was addressed on the local, regional, and federal levels here to the Chinese responses to toxic soil as described in the article.  I wish Mr. Tang good luck. It blows me away that China’s contaminated soil is roughly equivalent to the amount of arable soil in Mexico. Yikes.

     
    in reply to: Session #3 - March 12 #41025
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    If you're curious.  This sign is used in China as well.  Again, it seems that the signer is drawing the seam of a cheongsam across her chest.

    https://www.handspeak.com/word/search/index.php?id=385

    in reply to: Session #4 - March 19 #41021
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    Here is the Swedish website I mentioned in tonight's chat.  Dollar Street allows you to look at how people all around the world live on different incomes.  There is a lot of rich visual information to be mined here, great for younger students, ELLs, and other students who struggle with literacy.  Be sure to click on the "visit this home" option.

    https://www.gapminder.org/dollar-street/matrix

     

     

    in reply to: Session #3 - March 12 #41016
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    That sounds like a great lesson, Brett.  Debate and persuasive writing would be perfect here, too.

    On a somewhat related note--and maybe Clay can address this--is anyone doing longitudinal health studies on those aging dancers?

    in reply to: Session #3 - March 12 #41015
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    This week’s articles about wang bas (net bars) and the phenomenon of “left behind” children were of most interest to me.

    I was struck by the Xinhua news agency’s comment that internet bars are “‘tumors’’ that must be removed from society.”  I found myself thinking about Tipper Gore’s lauded and lambasted efforts to call out violent video game and music content in an effort to protect American children from sex, drugs, and violence.  It’s interesting to me that contemporary China appears to have similar concerns and preoccupations.

    At the risk of opening a can of worms, what is considered “pornographic” in China?  Is it a case of Party members “knowing it when they see it”? Or is there something inherent in sexually explicit materials that somehow challenges the authority of the Chinese government?  I traveled to Vietnam in the summer of 1998 and was taken aback by a customs form that asked me if I was bringing any pornograpy into the country (just so you know, I wasn’t 🙂 ). Border guards literally emptied my luggage and went through all of my books.  It was all done in a very showy manner. What was the message here? Have these cultures always been prudish, or is this a recent happenstance? Is pornography seen as a foreign and evil influence? But as Trekkie Monster sings in “Avenue Q,” the internet is for porn, and this is hardly a Chinese phenomenon.  Digital citizenship curriculum, anyone?

     

    Continuing with the theme of harm to children, I came away from the Pan and Ye article a little disappointed.  The authors went on--and on--about the ill effects visited on “left behind” children, but added little meat to the bones of their arguments.  Of course, that doesn’t mean that they’re wrong. I was particularly interested in learning more about the different gender-tied effects of being left behind.  I wasn’t at all surprised to see that women and girls are more burdened by these effects than their male peers. I would be curious to know if Chinese schools have adapted any special education curriculum or strategies to help these children.  It sure sounds like they haven’t.

     
    in reply to: Session #2 - March 5 #40964
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    I loved the Reuter's article!  I'm teaching Health this year in addition to my usual social studies load and could definitely see using this article as a bridge to discussing Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's Green New Deal from both the health and policy perspectives.

    in reply to: Session #2 - March 5 #40963
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    I, too, really like your idea of comparing Chinese economic migration to the maquiladora system.  Many of my immigrant Latino students would find this activity meaningful on a very personal level.

    in reply to: Session #2 - March 5 #40962
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    In another life (1987-1998), I was a customs and international trade lawyer in private practice.  During this time, I worked at a small boutique law firm that catered to big players in the U.S. garment industry.  Back then, at least among my colleagues, China was still very much seen as the “world’s factory for low-end products.”  Our clients were drawn to the low production costs to be had in China--so much so that my colleagues and I had a lively side-line in representing both Chinese and American companies in criminal and quasi-criminal contexts.  On the criminal side, for example, a number of our clients would intentionally mislabel the country of origin of Chinese garments as being from the Philippines in order to avoid Chinese import quotas. (If you’re curious, this practice is called either “transshipment” or “submarining.”)  On the civil side, we did a lot of work trying to obtain favorable tariff classifications for garments in order to side-step import quotas. But In the mid ‘90’s, Kathie Lee Gifford gave our business a big boost when she was “outed” for using sweatshop/child labor in Latin America. What followed was a burst of corporate investigation, introspection, and confession.  Many U.S. companies were guilty of contracting with Latin American and East Asian manufacturers whose labor practices would curl your toes. Corporations hired lawyers like me to set up compliance programs that would improve the working conditions of foreign labor, assuage American consumer guilt, and, eventually, raise the prices of our clients’ imports.

     

    Reading about China’s economic trends for this week’s class made me wonder about these kinds of workers and China’s gap between supply and demand for more skilled labor.  How has the Chinese economic “boom” since 2001 affected this labor pool? Back in the ‘80’s and ‘90’s, the most “skilled” and highly-paid aborers in Chinese garment factories were the fabric cutters (the better a cutter you are, the less material you waste).  How have robotics and mechanization changed their lives? Have their working conditions improved, and if so, how? Have these workers moved on, up, and away to other professions and locations? For my special education students, I would consider preparing a unit comparing the “before” and “after” of these questions using the year 2001 as a benchmark.  I would also want to examine any change in the U.S.’s posture vis-a-vis Chinese apparel imports.

     

    For more on Kathie Lee Gifford, see:  “A Sweetheart Becomes Suspect; Looking Behind Those Kathie Lee Labels” at:  https://www.nytimes.com/1996/06/27/business/a-sweetheart-becomes-suspect-looking-behind-those-kathie-lee-labels.html .

    in reply to: Session #1 - February 26 #40849
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    Chris--You might be interested in using the charts/graphics found in today's NY Times article "China Isn't Having Enough Babies" in your World History class.  Here's the link:

    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/26/opinion/china-isnt-having-enough-babies.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage

     

    in reply to: Session #1 - February 26 #40848
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    Margaret, your comments are of great use to me.  Many of my (mostly immigrant) students can also relate to the economic migration described in Chan's article.  Most of them are from rural agrarian communities in their home countries.  You express some great ideas about bridging your content and instructional approach to your students' personal experiences.  This kind of bridging is of critical importance in my special ed classroom, where many of my students lack subject matter background knowledge.  Relatable human experiences are a powerful way to spark and retain their interest.

    in reply to: Session #1 - February 26 #40847
    Judy Schechter
    Spectator

    How do the one child policy, ethnicity, and the hukou system intersect?

     

    I have the benefit of arriving late to the party here and I must say that the level of discourse and thoughtfulness displayed by all of you is truly impressive!

     

    In our introductory session last week, Phillip mentioned that he’s interested in how members of ethnic minorities (e.g, non ”Han” Chinese people) are treated in China.  I share this interest.

     

    I teach all social studies subjects at a large school for the deaf in NYC.  Most of the profoundly deaf students at my school are children of color who live in poverty.  Many of these students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. While our students learn written English in school, their primary language is ASL.

    One huge challenge my students face is that they share no common language with their parents. The effects of this lack of communication in the home are devastating. My school does everything within its institutional power to remedy these effects. Yet sadly, my students continue to lag behind their hearing peers with respect to English language literacy, critical thinking skills, and world learning.  Most of our students leave high school reading at or below the 3rd grade level as measured by standardized tests. In other words, they graduate while they are still learning to read, not reading to learn.

    From experience, I know that subject matter that somehow relates to my students’ experiences as deaf people is more likely to motivate and interest them.  Viewing and reading this week’s materials made me think about how my students are members of an ethnic and linguistic minority. Many adult deaf workers also struggle economically.  So, Chan’s footnote at the end of the hukou system article caught my attention: Chan mentions that some scholars have drawn an analogy between the hukou system and apartheid in South Africa.  This got me thinking.

    The U.S. and other countries have a sad history of applying eugenics theory to the deaf.  I’m curious about the interplay between China’s “one child” policy, the hukou system, and ethnicity.  Is this interplay racialized? How do these policies affect China’s ethnic and linguistic minorities? I’ve heard anecdotally that China has sometimes allowed members of selected minorities to have more than one child.  Today, given uprisings among the Uighurs in Xinjiang Province, for example, how has the CCP applied its fertility, mobility, and economic policies as a measure of oppression against these groups? I see this inquiry--comparing the political, social, economic, and geographic status of some of these minorities--as a way for my students to better understand their role in our society.

Viewing 15 posts - 1 through 15 (of 17 total)